Showing posts with label Washington Post. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Washington Post. Show all posts

Wednesday, March 5, 2025

Corporate Media Keeps Smoothing Over Trump’s Wreckage

Wed--Kwei


 

A Blaze of Euphemisms

If you’ve been following the mainstream media’s coverage of Donald J. Trump, you’ve probably noticed a strange phenomenon. News outlets that should be calling out blatant lies and destructive policies are instead tiptoeing around with language that paints Trump as “muscular,” “bold,” or “unconventional.” That is a full-on sane-washing of an administration whose actions have repeatedly undermined democratic norms.

To understand why mainstream outlets keep sane-washing Trump’s most destructive actions, we need to look at who owns these media empires. The Washington Post, for example, is controlled by Jeff Bezos through Amazon’s vast influence. The New York Times, while still family-run, relies heavily on billionaire investors and hedge funds that thrive under political stability—meaning their editorial stance often leans toward keeping the establishment intact, even if it means sanitizing an authoritarian.

Corporate media exists to protect the status quo the ultra-wealthy have built. It’s no coincidence that newsrooms increasingly adopt centrist, or even right-centrist, toned-down language when discussing Trump’s policies. Billionaire owners have no interest in radical pushback—whether against Trump’s tariff chaos, environmental rollbacks, or outright democratic erosion—because instability, not justice, threatens their bottom line. That’s why we keep seeing “muscular” instead of “destructive” or “bold” instead of “reckless” and “controversial” instead of “dangerous.”

The legacy press is not failing; it’s functioning as designed—keeping billionaire interests safe while the rest of us deal with the fallout.

 

The New York Time’s Sugarcoating of Trump’s Executive Orders

In his NYT piece, Chairlie Savage wrote, "On Monday, as Mr. Trump took the oath of office to begin his second term, he asserted a muscular vision of presidential power." There’s nothing “muscular” about slamming the door on refugees, rolling back environmental protections, or flirting with outright unconstitutional travel bans. "Punitive” or “draconian,” is closer to the mark. “Muscular,” as if Trump is flexing his biceps rather than acting like a wannabe strongman.

Here’s why that matters: words shape perception. When these moves masquerade as displays of strength, the actual impact—people losing crucial protections, fragile international alliances on edge—gets blurred. It shifts public discourse from “Is this policy ethical or lawful?” to “Isn’t the President showing leadership by being so decisive?” One of these questions holds Trump accountable; the other gives him a free pass.

 

Ezra Klein’s Muddled Arguments in “Don’t Believe Him”

In The New York Times, Ezra Klein penned a piece titled “Don’t Believe Him.” Frankly, the title alone deserves a second look. Here’s the thing: we actually should believe Donald Trump precisely because he’s so bizarrely transparent about his intentions—even when those intentions are harmful or self-serving. He floated punitive tariffs against our closest allies, cozied up to tyrannical regimes like Russia, and took pleasure in upending decades of diplomatic norms. If his statements seem fantastical, that’s because they reflect the very real fantasies he has—and the terrifying part is that he’s got enough power to make some of them real unless the courts or Congress manage to block him.

The real problem with Klein’s piece isn’t that he questions Trump’s honesty. How he hides the urgent truth in a cloud of scholarly-sounding language makes everything feel ambiguous. Instead of sounding the alarm, Klein sometimes slips into academic dissection, as though unable to pin down Trump’s ever-shifting claims. But come on, sometimes Trump’s flat-out lying or steamrolling ahead on yet another misguided crusade. It doesn’t need couching in paragraphs of theoretical framing. We should believe what Trump says because it’s usually a preview of what he’ll try to do for better or (most often) for worse.

 

The GOP’s Lockstep Support, Despite Grassroots Resistance

It’s not just the so-called liberal media that keeps giving Trump a pass. The Republican Party itself has lined up right behind him, no matter how off-the-rails his policies get. Sure, we’ve witnessed some spirited town hall protests in deep-red districts—voters voicing concerns about healthcare, government overreach, and reckless foreign policy. Yet most Republican lawmakers seem more terrified of Trump’s Twitter wrath than they are concerned about representing the very people who elected them. They may occasionally mumble disagreement, but in the end, they fall in line, backing Trump’s judicial nominations and rubber-stamping his executive orders with a shrug that abandons any semblance of checks and balances. The GOP used to pretend at least to care about fiscal conservatism or moral values. Now, they’re backing a president who tears down allies and coddles authoritarian regimes. These are not the principles the party claimed to champion for decades, but apparently, fear of Trump’s ire—and fear of losing seats to primaries—has overridden any sense of principle.

 

Why Language Matters More Than Ever

Let’s be clear: We live in a time when democracy can feel precarious. When influential outlets downplay authoritarian behavior as “unconventional” or “muscular,” they do more than tone-police the conversation—they normalize a political style that shreds democratic norms. Suddenly, the fact that a legally embattled man is the sitting president doesn’t feel alarming; it becomes part of the background noise.

We rely on the press to hold leaders accountable. When that press gets timid—choosing gentle or indirect words to critique blatantly oppressive or illegal policies—it fails in its responsibility. Sure, journalists may harbor bias, and that’s the nature of the beast. But “bias” against authoritarian power grabs isn’t a flaw. It’s called doing your job.

 

How to Combat Sane-Washing

So, what do we do about all this sane-washing? First, recognize it for what it is. Pay attention to how reporters and commentators describe Trump’s actions. If the words “unprecedented,” “chaotic,” or “dangerous” mysteriously morph into “assertive” or “muscular,” call that out. Second, stop trying to parse Trump’s statements for hidden meaning. He usually says what he wants—whether it’s feasible, moral, or even sane. Lastly, remember that democracy works best when we stay engaged. If the media doesn’t ring the alarm bells loudly enough, we’ve got to do it ourselves. Write letters, show up at town halls, and support independent media that call things by their real names.

No, Trump’s policies aren’t “muscular.” He’s vindictive, impulsive, and willing to steamroll constitutional boundaries if it benefits him politically or financially. Without the press using clear, forceful language to describe that, catastrophic actions are too easy to pass as mere “experiments” in governance. Words matter, especially when democracy is at stake—and it sure as hell is right now.

We must do it ourselves if the legacy press won’t do the job. Our democracy might depend on our ability to cut through the euphemisms and speak out about the stark reality. Don’t settle for sanitized headlines and hedged takes. Demand honest, unflinching reporting—and spread the word yourself if that’s what it takes.

 

Wednesday, May 4, 2022

What about the children?

Stanley - Thursday

This week's leak of a draft opinion from the US Supreme Court indicating the likelihood of Roe v Wade being severely curtailed or even overturned made me think of the few anti-abortion friends I have who have never adequately answered my normal questions: 'What about the children who are born unwanted? What do you propose to support them?' 

Instead of writing about it myself, I'm going to reproduce an entire opinion piece in The Washington Post by columnist Michele L Norris entitled The GOP roars about abortion. Then they abandon the children. It conveys my thoughts far better than I can.

What about the children?

For decades, the abortion debate has been about politics and precedent, about religion and reproductive rights, about riling up voters and rewriting laws. Rarely is it about what happens to children once they roam this earth if their mothers are forced to go through with an unplanned pregnancy. Where is the commitment by antiabortion warriors to take up the fight for the babies who will be born under duress?

Short answer? It hardly exists. This is the false piety hidden in the Republican Party’s zeal to roll back a woman’s right to choose. The sanctity of human life is all-important right up to the point when that flesh-and-bone child enters a world where programs designed to support women, the poor or households teetering toward economic ruin are being scaled back by a party that claims to be about family values. Family, for the radicalized GOP, is too often an inelastic framework built around powerful men, subordinate women, and children who will learn how to hurl themselves forward in life, even if there’s no money, few educational opportunities, no job prospects in their future, no proverbial boots with magical straps to lift their fortunes toward the sun.

The pro-life warriors — including legislators who have been rolling back abortion rights at the state level — are silent when it comes to fighting for even the simple principle of enhanced child support enforcement so the men who father these children can provide for the life they create. Let’s not forget that women who seek abortions are disproportionately poor or economically insecure. A 2014 study found that 3 in 4 women who terminate their pregnancies are low-income and almost 50 percent of those women live below the poverty level. Fifty-five percent are unmarried or do not live with the father.

Diana Greene Foster, a professor at the University of California at San Francisco in the Department of Obstetrics, Gynecology and Reproductive Sciences, knows what a world without abortion looks like. She spent 10 years tracking thousands of women and reports that women who were denied abortions because of rules around gestation limits were more likely to be single, without steady work, without a partner and without family support five years later. Those women also reported feeling trapped and less emotionally bonded to their new babies compared with women who had abortions and then had subsequent children later in life.

“It is by no means a given that a woman who did not want to have a baby cannot forge a loving and healthy relationship with that child, even if it doesn’t happen right away,” Greene Foster writes in her book The Turnaway Study. “But the finding does underscore the adverse circumstances for the child when a woman continues a pregnancy against her will.”

A further irony is that many of the states that have enacted the most restrictive bans on abortion also spend the least money to provide health and economic benefits for expecting mothers and children once they’re born.

The numbers don’t lie when you look at state rankings on maternal morbidity, infant mortality, premature birth, child poverty, birth weight, access to health care, day care, food stamps and housing. Supreme Court Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr.’s draft opinion is about a case that comes from Mississippi — a state that ranks dead last in preterm births, neonatal mortality and overall child well-being.

Some religious institutions do focus on the outcome of unplanned pregnancies. The Gabriel Project, sponsored by Catholic Charities, is a crisis pregnancy center that aims to offer compassionate and confidential ministry to those pregnant and in distress. Clearly, its aim is to reduce the number of abortions, but at least a program such as this centers women and the children they might bear. That rarely happens in political or legal debates about abortion.

The women who contemplate ending their pregnancies never really take center stage in this drama. Their dilemma is framed as simply a choice. Their anguish is subject to moral policing. Their reasons (poverty, abusive partner, age, insufficient life skills) are brushed away by majority White and male lawmakers who have no problem policing women’s bodies but have been howling for months about something as simple as mask mandates. Even women who become pregnant under the most horrible of circumstances — rape or incest — are criminalized under a growing number of state laws if the mother decides not to carry the fetus to term, regardless of the physical or emotional trauma.

The prospect of a United States where abortion is unattainable is no longer an abstraction. Those who have long fought to outlaw the procedure often argue that the child whose life is ended by abortion might be the very person who could discover the cure for cancer — as if the government needs to control women’s bodies to protect the future of the human race.

That argument is wickedly hollow when it comes from lawmakers who are unwilling to invest in helping expectant mothers or providing a stronger safety net for the children they will be forced to bear.

What is happening sickens me. The 'great experiment' is failing.

_____________________________________________________

Upcoming events:

Crimefest in Bristol:

THURSDAY, 12 MAY, 15.50 – 16.40
A CHANGE IS AS GOOD AS A REST: WRITING MORE THAN ONE SERIES
* M.J. Lee
* Douglas Lindsay
* Michael Stanley
* T E Kinsey 
Participating Moderator: Michael Ridpath

 

FRIDAY, 13 MAY, 12:30 - 13:20
DIVIDED SOCIETY: HATE CRIMES AND SOCIAL FACTORS
* Kia Abdullah
* Antony Dunford
* Sarah Sultoon
* Holly Watt

Participating Moderator: Michael Stanley


FRIDAY, 13 MAY, 16:00 – 16:50
ITW: THRILLING FOR A LIVING
* Alison Bruce 
* Dugald Bruce-Lockhart
* Alex Shaw
* Michael Stanley
Participating Moderator: Zoë Sharp